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HISTORY OF RASTAFARIANS
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THE RASTAFARIANS: FOR EXACT REFERENCE: We advise that you buy the book, it's easy to find online. It's also the perfect Idea for a Reggae present BUY IT NOW (from the Publisher)
Chapter 6
Contemporary Observations
The Ethiopian National Congress
Two Contemporary Case Studies
The Rastafarian Impact on Jamaican
Culture
Ratafarian Music
The Rastafarian and the Wider
World
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church
The Rastafarians and the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church
Anyone who listens to Rastafarian music, be it the ritual Nyabingi or the popular
Reggae, will detect in the lower beats deep structural dissonance which mirrors
the social conflicts within the society. But careful attention to the lyrics
of such songs as Bob Marley's "No Woman No Cry" reveals a search for
a consonance in his repeated refrain "Everything is going to be all right,"
sung as by one who is possessed, Dissonances which the society feel are responsible
for its alienation whether real or imagined. These dissonances often create
deviant situations of a counterculture which lead either to the death of a society
or to its rejuvenation. Cultural dissonance, like musical dissonance, constantly
searches for a consonance in which to resolve itself, which in most cases is
latent within the culture itself. Often the resolution is revelaed to a prophet
or a seer, generally from the class of the oppressed; in some cases the consonance
emerges from the countercultures. An Example of this dissonanace-consonance
combination may be seen in the Rastafarian evolution---dissonance, and in their
cultural contribution to present day Jamaica---consonance-resolution.
For an up-to-date picture of the Rastafarian movement, we must undetake a short
review of their development, high-listing some of the predictions made by scholars
and journalists who observed them in their struggling days. The first such scholar
was George E. Simpson of Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio. His study was carried
out in 1953, in the West Kinston areas, where he attended open-air meetings
of the cultists. His short paper on the movement was published by the University
of the West Indies' Journal of Social and Economic Studies in 1955, under the
title "Political Cultism in West Kinston, Jamaica." The article, though
less than twenty pages and mostly descriptive, contained some rather important
insights into the funtion of the movement in that early period. He described
it as made up of "illiterates, or semi-illiterates, confused, poor, and
bitter...urban dwellers." They were regarded in those as lunatics, ganja
smokers, and professional criminals. But he also saw in them budding entrepreneurs,
a movement of resistance to political oppression, and a religious alternative
to the other wordly Christian organizations in the slums which had grown stagnant
and irrelevant to the needs of the oppressed. He observed:
Cult activities provide release from the drabness, drudgery, and humiliation of everyday living in an economically depressed area. Members compensate for their lowly status in Jamaican society by denouncing their oppressores, by insisting upon their superiority over those now in power, and by rejoicing over their knowledge that deliverance is at hand. The despised and rejected have responded to their situation by creating a world of their own, and they exhaust themselves emotionally in their meetins through singing and verbal violence.
Following Simpson's lead, other sociologists and journalists began to observe
the Rastafarians of West Kinston, mostly paying attention to the setting out
of which the cult emerged.
Up to the late 1960's, Rastafarians were to be found mostly in areas of the
city which used to be called "dungle"---a word which signified "dung"
and "jungle." These were the worst areas of the city, even lower than
ghettos. A true picture of these areas is to be found in Sam Brown's poem "Slum
Condition," written to describe the situations of life for the Rastas in
the 1960's. However, two good descriptions of that era were written by the brilliant
sociologist, Orlando Patterson, and the Oxford scholar, Katrin Norris. Patterson,
in his book The Children of Sysiphus, described the Rastafarian district as
follows:
...on the left were shacks; dreadful, nasty little structures---a cluster of card-boards, barrel sides, old cod-fish boxes, flattened tar drums and timber scraps. A few of the more luxurious, consisted of carcasses of old cars.
A less poetic description of the same place is given by Katrin Norris in her book, Jamaica: The Search for Identity:
Only a few hundred yards beyond the harbour and the central shopping areas (of Kingston), in a most conspicuous position along what should be a waterside boulevard, is a horrifying sight. This is one of the squatting settlements of the Rastafarians.... They live in the utmost squalor in huts of boards, metal scraps, motor car parts, tires, cardboard, and anything they can lay their hands on.
The areas described by Patterson and Norris no longer appear in Kingston. In
1966, the government recaptured them from the Rastafarians by sending in a fleet
of bulldozers under police guard and ploughed them under. Many Rastas from these
areas found other lands to capture or moved away to the country where they have
built new villages of a more permanent quality. Today, the Rastafarian communities
are no longer so depressing, although conditions are in no way ideal among the
new camps. The writer paid a visit tot the Adatra Road community, which in 1965
was nothing but several shacks such as those described above. He was greatly
surprised at the improvements. Many Rastafarians who once lived in broken-down
shacks were now living on the same grounds in middle-class dwellings made of
concrete blocks with running water and other amenities. Their community hall,
which was only a "bush-arbor," is now a permanent hall of substantial
concrete where classes in sculpturing and music are held for community youths.
It is from this community that the now famous drummer, Count Ossie, the father
of Rastafarian drumming, was until his death a member of this community. They
have cut many records and are now known all over Jamaica and the outside world.
One-quarter mile from the Mystic Revelation group is the Rastafarian settlement
known as Lennock Lodge, once described by the "Saint," under the caption
"Rastas are Cave Men," in the Star of April 9, 1962. In that article
he described the area as follows:
At the foot of the Long Mountain range of Wareka Hill commencing...at the end of Sligo Avenue, numerous members of the Rastafari cult eke out a miserable existence on the rugged hill slope owned by the forestry department. Among sharp pointed rocks and cactus they erect unsightly shacks cut out of cardboard, old wooden boxes, tree branches and other materials, with which the land is lettered. The less fortunate ones, such as the newcomers to the settlement, live in shallow caves like animals.
Today, this camp, described by the "Saint," is a massive settlement of Rastafarians who have built permanent dwellings on the hillside. As many as fiftenn acres of the most enviable housing lands overlooking the bay area and the airport have been captured by the Rastas. Houses of all sizes and shapes with their red, black, and green colors perch precariously on the hillside. The life style remains much like that described by the "Saint:"
The cultist live on the land without any water. To get water they either go
further down the Mountain areas, where there are standpipes, or to the public
park.... To make a living I understand that these hill people cultivate small
gardens in back of their shacks, burn charcoal, or supply homes with fence posts.
To get their supply of wood, or coal, or fence posts, the Brethren travel up
the steep mountain range, barefooted and partly nude. Trees are felled, trimmed
and cut up in small bits for the kiln, and conveyed on the head down the hill
side.
Contrary to the popular belief of most elite Jamaicans that the hillites are
lazy and all criminals, the new Lennocks settlement with its colorful building
proves without doubt that these Rastafarians are creative people, hard working,
and above all proud. If the "Saint" were to follow up his research
on hillites, I am sure he would have to write a piece with the caption "From
Cavemen to Concrete Dwellers."
Such development was unforeseen in 1962. The Rastafarians have confounded the
skeptics on every hand. For out of these "cavemen" have come some
of the best drummers, singer, dancers, and carvers of present-day Jamaica. There
are many more such "phoenix-like" communities among the Jamaican Rastafarians
which we shall discuss later. But this is not the end of the story. A few of
the more exceptional of these cavemen have by now acquired middle-class homes
in the suburbs. All this indicates that a new approach to the Rastafarians in
Jamaica needs to be undertaken.
Having studied the Rastafarians since the 1960's, and having watched the dramatic
development of the movement in such areas as art, music, and language, I wanted
to observe and to study more carefully those changes that had taken place since
my last research. So, in the summer of 1975, I set out to do an extensive re-study
of the movement. What I found was convincing enough for a revision of my previous
work published in 1968.
The central tenets of the Rastafarians have not changed to any great exten.
Haile
Selassie of Ethiopia (even though he was dethrouned during my research,
and died within a few days of my return from the field), is still god. The returned
messiah in the flesh, he is now even more powerful in the spirit---a belief
central to the movement. This is the belief that separates a Rastaman from all
others. There are thousands of people whose hair and general appearances look
like Rastas, but hairdos and outward appearance do not a Rastafarian make. It
is the belief that Haile
Selassie is god and the love and worship arising from
that belief which makes one a Rastafarian.
On the subject of repatriation a slight shift has taken place at the edges of
the movement. I would estimate that close to 50 percent of the movement's membership
still holds to the doctrine of repatriation; that is, the miraculous return
to Ethiopia by the supernatural power of the king. This belief is the view of
the older members of the group. The younger and more militant members have added
a new twist to repatriation. Their argument revolves around a new myth, said
to have originated during the visit of Haile
Selassie to Jamaica in 1966, when
he was supposed to have said that the Rastafarians should "liberate themselves
in Jamaica" before they repatriate. The phrase now current among them is
"liberation before repatriation." This group seems more ready to enter
into a sociopolitical struggle with the government. They are politically alert
and involve themselves in all political enterprises aimed at liberating Black
people both in Jamaica and abroad. They celebrate African independence such
as the independence of Mozambique. They readily involve themselves with organizations
like OAU and other movements in Jamaica whose aim is to lift the awareness of
the Jamaican masses. Somewhat disdainful of the repatriationists, they see them
as somewhat backward. Although they view Ethiopia as their eventual home, they
feel that only by taking a political hold in Jamaica and becoming a part of
the decision-making process cant hey ease the way to repatriation.
Structurally, the movement remains basically the same---it is ascephalous. No
leaser has arisen to unite the separate branches of the movement and there is
no desire to do so. The Rastafarians are deathly afraid of leaders because they
feel that a leader would destroy the movement. There are still "leading
brethren," but these are men around whom various groups are organized.
Their power is mostly organizational, they do not speak for the members as leaders,
but simply serve as an inspiration for their specific groups. Despite this amorphous
collectivity, the movement has nodes of connection island-wide. Ras Sam Brown
pointed to this nature of the movement when he said:
The Rastafarians movement is not a movement with a central focus. All Rastafarian movements in this country have an affinity with each other. In every Parish of the island, you will not just find a one here and a one there. You can find sizable colonies of Rastafarians all over, along with thousands of sympathizers too. In every colony of Rastafarians you have brethren who see to the guidance of the youth who must be taught the philosophy of the movement. What affects Rastafarians at Morant Point, becomes the concern of those Rastafarians at Negril Point. We do not look at it as just a personal and isolated ease. We look at it as something that the whole structure of the movement must set right.
It is clear from the observation of Sam Brown that although each colony is
separate, the movement can escalate when there is a need to do so. Segments
of each movement from the far end of the island can be found in the other, especially
on special ritual occasions which we have already discussed. At present, the
movement is very mobile. The use of minibuses and motorcycles has made the movements'
involvements easier than in the 1960s.
Unlike the 1960s, when the movement was an alien "bird of passage"
cult, the Rastafarians today are a very visible entity on the island. They have
carved an identity of their own and are sure of themselves. They have "won
their spurs" so to speak and see themselves as contributors to the cultural
and economic fibre of the island. Rastafarian musical groups such as the Lights
of Saaba, the Mystic Revelation, and Toots and the Maytals, and performers such
as the late Bob Marley are internationally known artists. Their performances
have had tope billings in both Jamaica and the United States. Their recordings,
banned from the Jamaican radio stations for years, have replaced the soul music
of the United States, which was once the only Black music thought acceptable
in Jamaica. Not only have they gained a personal identity, but the island which
once saw them ast he "boogiemen of the slums" now acknowledge them
as "brotherman." From the slums of Kingston to the palatial drawing
rooms of the St. Andrew Hills, the Rastafarians are the current subject of conversation.
Their quaint mode of speech is the current language fas of both the people in
the street and the professors at the senior common room at the University of
the West Indies.
The Rastafarians, who are living examples of Jamaican social and cultural deprivation,
are now the prophets preaching to the elite about the conditions of squalor.
Their songs carry the message to the living rooms of the rich; they are the
social catalysts of the island; and no one cna escape this message. The reality
of the Rastas cannot be ignored by the politicians: their voice is the voice
of the people and the success or failure of Jamaican leaders henceforth must
grapple with the power of these modern day "John the Baptists" whose
voices call out from the electronic wilderness. The Rastafarian must be seen
above all else as the champions of social change on the island. Despite their
messianic-millenarian doctrine, they are the first Jamaican since the time of
Marcus Garvey to venerate Black culture. Few islands in the West Indies have
been so schizophrenic regarding their true culture. With regard to dress, language,
taste, and Black pride, Jamaicans have been last on the scale of identity. Few
middle-class Jamaicans would consider themselves dressed up unless they are
suffocated in Scottish tweed and mohair clothing made for cold climates and
not for weather that is close to ninety degrees most of the year. The Manley
Government introduced a national dress for men known as Cariba or Kareba, but
this national dress has been scorned by the elite. The mere fact that it is
"Jamaican" is enough to reject it outright.
Despite the work of Louise Bennett Coverley and her excellent effort toward
making Jamaican dialect respectable, and desptie the fact that most Jamaicans
know their dialect---English being a second language---few middle-class or aspriring
middle-class Jamaicans dare to use what is properly theirs in public. Their
grammar may be atrocious, but they will insist on the "proper accent,"
meaning the accent of the BBC new reporter. This they feel is the way one speaks.
In other words, to copy England is good; to speak Jamaican is bad. With respect
to taste Jamaicans are the world's greatest consumers of foreign goods. Average
Jamaicans would go out of their way to obtain foreign things, despite the wide
range of tasty Jamaican foods. The visitor to Jamaica looks in vain for a Jamaican
restaurant only to find a Chinese restaurant on nearly every street in Kingston
and will have no trouble finding an Indian or even a Korean one. There are Chinese
clubs; German clubs; American, French, Spanish, and English clubs; but no Jamaican
one. One can find such societies as the Rotary, the Lions, the Junior Chamber
of Commerce, the Elks, and other imported organizations, but not a Mongoose,
an Anacy, or a Gutu club, because these would be Jamaican, and that is bad.
It is fashionable to adhere to any religion if it has foreign connections, but
a native religion is out of the question. All this social and cultural schizophrenia
accentuates the significance of the Rastafarian movement as an instrument of
social change in Jamaica.
A contributor to the Daily Gleaner of June 29, 1969, pointed out this fact very
forcefully:
It is significant that the Rastafari founded perhaps the only real piece of culture Jamaica has experienced, and it fed on a hope that did not lie inside the island society. The Jamaicans who reacted against European aesthetics and grew their hair to resemble the jungles of their lost heritage rather than the straightened smooth gloss of England's greenfields, instinctively sought for a symbol of black pride which they could not fine then or now in Jamaica. When they coated themselves with honest earth, it was a symbolic, if unrealistic, rejection of the pusillanimous middleman way of life existing parasitically upon the creations of others.
The writer who seems to be a Jamaican and middle-class himself, zeroed in on the point I have been trying to make in this summary, admitting:
In muted terms, I am convinced there was a lesson in the Rastafari evolution for all classes of dispossessed in Jamaica. Yet we leapt upon them furiously, afraid to listen to what they had to say. Later, when compromised with a Machiavellian mission to Ethiopia, Rastafari symbols appeared from everywhere, swamping any official hope that the embarrassing movement might subsequently disappear. The Rastafari represent the extreme of an almost paranoiac search for an identity on the part of Jamaicans. How can this be so if we are one people?
The writer, whose article is entitled "The Rastafarian Evolution: A Lesson for all Dispossessed," seems suddenly awakened to the stagnation of his society and sees the Rastafarians as an instrument of social transformation which has slowly reawakened the society to its heritage, its reality, and a pride in being Jamaican. His observation is not an isolated one. But it will take some time before all Jamaicans will agree with those who have seen the mission of the cultists.
My research in the seventies on the Rastafarians was prompted by the large
amount of publicity they had begun to receive in such papers as the New Your
Times and the New York Post. Much of the publicity was negative, involving gang
warfare and drugs. On the other hand, Rastafarian music and paintings had also
begun to gain popularity in the United States. I was interested in studying
the development of the movement in Jamaica from 1966 to the present to see the
strength of their organization in Jamaica, the sources of their creativity,
and their impact on the wider world. Three months of research were undertaken
in Kingston and nearby St. Thomas, Montego Bay, and short trips to other parts
of the island. To get a comparative picture two groups were carefully observed:
The Rastafarian Movement Association headquartered in Kingston, and the Ethiopian
National Congress of St. Thomas. These two groups represent the wide diversity
now existing in the movement from the standpoint of goals, beliefs, and practices.
Much of what follows will be given in the words of the cultists themselves,
with a minimum work when necessary.
The Rastafarian Movement Association consisted of an office in Kingston which
also served as a shop in which Rastafarian arts, crafts, and literature were
sold. Two rooms only, the front and rear served as both office and workshop
for artists. Its administration included a president, a vice president, and
a secretary who was always present togive information to visitors and to show
the items for sale. The RMA served as coordiantor for important meetings such
as the celebration of the independence of a new African state (for example,
the Mozambique independence of July, 1975), and by sending out flyers to various
other groups for a meeting at the Marcus Garvey shrine; it also supervised a
youth program in the city, where enderprivileged youths were supplied entertainment
and food. An important function was the printing of the monthly paper known
as the Rasta Voice, which carried an editorial on current interests of the movement,
community news, news about Africa, a short history of the Rastafarian movement
and the Garvey movement, the history of Ethiopia, pictures, and poems. The RMA
also undertood aid to Rastafarians who came in conflict with the law, by providing
legal advice and securing a lawyer when possible.
During my visits to the RMA, the headquarters literally teemed with activities.
Members from various groups arrived from time to time to get advice on various
matters, there were researchers from universities, women and children from the
city, or just casual visitors curious to find out what is happening in a building
where so many dreadlocks are assembled. The history and function of the RMA
were given to me by a leading spokesperson in the following words:
The organization came into being in order to bring about a centralization of
all the movements. Prior to now, there were many little groups but no recognized
organization. In1969 we felt the need for an organization and a constitution,
so we met at Waltham Park Road and talked with Brethren from all over; they
all agreed that these things should be done. About three weeks after these meetings
we drew up a constitution and brought about this organization. With the contributions
of the Brethren we acquired this place and we have been here since. Here, we
try to rally the Brethren together for reasoning and to build a framework of
the culture, but this place has even become too small for our operation.
The organization of the RMA does not see its duty as responding only to Rastafarian
brethren but also to the needs of a larger community of African people. Our
membership consists of Rastafarians and sympathizers who want to see Rastafarian
brethren move forward.
We realize that the struggle for freedom and liberation cannot be the work of
the Rastafarian brethren alone. Most of the people you see out there are Rastafarians
but because of the conditions prevailing in the Island, most of them are not
sure just where they belong. So it is the duty of I and I to rescue them from
this dilemma. What the RMA is doing now is to involve the broadest amount of
people so that we can evolve an organization to help th eblack people of Jamaica.
That is what we are working for. Over the years if you notice, our government
has turned its eye and ears away from the conditions of the Black people whom
it represents. Take the celebration of the Independence of Mozambique that you
attended the day at Marcus Garvey's Shrine; this should not have been a Rastafarian
meeting alone, but the Rastafarians are the only people in Jamaica who speak
of Africa. Our government officials speak of Blacks and Africans only when they
are outside of Jamaica. So we have the duty to educate our people about their
race and their origins here. Not only Rastas, but all the Black people.
The above should offer the reader an insight into the present outlook of some
segments of the Rastafarian movement. This RMA official is a man socially and
politically alert. A dreadlock, five-foot-ten-inches tall, he possessed a charming
but commanding personality. He once worked for the government, during which
time he organized his fellow worker into a bargaining unit; so his leadership
capabilities were demonstrated long before he became the president of RMA. He
was originally a Roman Catholic and had his early education through that church
but, at age sixteen, he left the church because, "I decided that I would
not worship images anymore." In 1960, while discussing religion with a
friend, he was introduced to Haile
Selassie. At first he could not believe that
a man could be God; but after reading and studying his Bible he became convinced
that his friend was right. He did nt convert until 1965 when, after a trip to
the United STated where he experienced some humiliating racial problems, "the
White man did it for me." Returning to Jamaica, hetook up the faith resolved
to be Black. At that time he knew His Majesty only by his picutres, but when
the King visited Jamaica in 1966, "then I realized that he was the Divine
Majesty. Since then I have been doing my bit."
Sensing the rather liberal interpretation of Rastafarianism among the RMA officials,
my conversation then turned to the present situation on repatriation. His answer
gave me an insight into the new orientation of a sizable segment of the movement.
He explained:
We realized that Rastafarians over the years have been clamoring for repatriation and that is the spititual goal of all Rastafarians. But now we have come to the understanding that I and I connot get repatriation under the present condition because we are not liberated. We are now saying therefore that we must gain true liberation as a people in or t gain true repatriation. Repatriation involves government-to-government contact; we are not a prt of government so we cannot exert ourselves on this matter. When we are truly liberated in power, then we shall be free to go as we please.
In answer to my question: "Do you envisage a time when the Jamaican government
will be in the hands of rastafarains?" he said: "We believe that freedom
can only come to a people when the people become a part of the decision-making
process of the government. So I and I have come to the conclusion that we must
become a part of the decision-making body of the government." This is indeed
a new trend, for since the campaign of 1961, when Sam Brown entered politics
as a member of the movement, politics as such was not the interest of the cultists.
But the present interest might have been provoked by the astuteness of the Manley
government, the popularity of which drew the attention of all classes of Jamaican;
even the Rastafarians became political as the following will show.
Speaking of the Manley government, our speaker had both a positive and a negative
assessment:
In the last election Prime Minister X went to Ethiopia and met with the King
of Kings and had a conversation with him. He came back to Jamaica and showed
the people a Rod, which he said was given to him by the King, Haile
Selassie
the First, to bring freedom to the Black People of Jamaica. He carried that
Rod all around during the campaign. The Rastafarians heard this; the Dreadlocks
heard this; and this rod caused him to win a landslide victory for the Party.
Well, I and I welcome that, because the former government did nothing for the
cause of Africa, Rastas, or no one. As you know, we Rastas do not vote, because
you cannot take out a rat and put in a cat, but the Prime Minister came to power
talking like a Rastafarian. He started some progressive moves on behalf of the
African peoples of this country. But after a while he forgot the Rod; he forgot
to talk about Africa; he forgot to talk about the Rastafarians. What we now
know, is that if the Prime Minister even wanted to do something good for the
African peoples of this country, his lieutenants will not allow him to do it.
After he came back from Ethiopia he called himself Joshua, the one who was to
take us to the Promised Land, but the only freedom we have seen up to now is
the word "Socialism."
To be honest, he had done better than the other party, for the other Party was
so anti-Black that not even Elijah Muhammad could enter Jamaica as a Black man.
Today, it is a little better; there is freedom of speech for I and I. As you
see, we even got the Marcus Garvey Park to use. Here and there we have seen
a little change on the part of the government but not enough to bring the Black
masses out of the slums they are in right now.
Much of this leads one to believe that we are dealing with the religio-political segment of the Rastafarian movement. At least eight or nine groups are in association with the RMA. Their aim is to bring mother Africa into Jamaica. They are intelligent, politically sophisticated, socially aware, and , although organizationally weak, they have the making of a strong syndicate. One service rendered by the RMA is to help artists find exposure for their work. It was through some these artists whose words were on exhibit at the prestigious Gallery of the Institute of Jamaica that I was introduced to the RMA. We shall ruturn to the artistic phase of the movement later.
The Ethiopian National Congress
During my interview with the president of the RMA, the name of the Ethiopian
National Congress under Prince Edward Emanuel was brought into the conversation.
Speaking of this group, the RMA official paid high respect to its superb organization,
its spiritual orientation, and its hesitancy to join the political and economic
wing of the organization. Having studied this group in my earlier research and
knowing of the destruction fo their camp in 1966, it was exciting to learn that
they were still in existence and had now become stronger. I decided to travel
to St. Thomas to observe them and see what changes had taken place. Locating
an X98 bus to Bull Bay, St. Thomas, I settled down for the hour's ride heading
east from the city. Fearing I might miss the camp, I inquired of the bus conductor
if she had any knowledge of its whereabouts. She assured me that she was well
acquainted with the group, which she described as "one of the most congenial
groups of Rastas she had ever met."
She then proceeded to give me valuable information about their behavior. "I
always find it a pleasure to pick them up at the bus stop where they congregate.
They are so well-groomed and pleasant. If any of them boarded the bus and their
fares were overlooked, they would come right back to me and pay. They are not
like the rest of those rowdies who call themselves Rastafarians." Then
eyeing me carefully she asked: "Are you one of the clean-faced Rastas?"
I told her that I was not, but she had contributed testimony of the group. She
concluded: "The camp is on your left, far in the hills, sit back and keep
cool, for you will be having a long walk." Not long after our conversation,
she rang the driver to stop and, pointing to what looked like a citadel on the
hill, directed me to Mount Zion.
Armed with a traveling backpack filled with cameras and tape recorders, I began
the slow walk upward. The camp sits on the edge of the mountain two thousand
feet above sea level, about two miles in from the main road, with a view of
the sea almost indescribable. It occupies seven or eight acres of "captured
lands," on which sit a large tabernacle, a small school for Rastafarian
youths, a shed for broom making another for the making of sandals, the living
quarters of the prince, and about eight houses for the followers and many others
invarious stages of completion. The camp is surrounded by a wire fence with
entrance through a large gate guarded by a sergeant at arms. To enter the compund,
all secular goods and instruments must be left at the gate under the protection
of the guard, but in my case, these rules were waived.
Prince Edward's group represents the religious wing of the Rastafarian movement,
and in nature and function they are almost monastic had it not been for a few
women found among them. The members wear an unusual outfit consisting of a turban,
a modified form of the Ethiopian Orthodox religion, with flowing robes mixed
with the colors red, black, and green, and the Rastafarian sandals to round
this off. At the head of the hierarchy is the Prince himself, who now claims
to be a priest after the order of Melchizedek, and to whom worship is given
as one of the triumvirate of the movement over which he rules. The three are
Haile
Selassie, Marcus Garvey, and the Prince. Very close to him is the lady,
who may or may not be his wife, known as the empress who controls the women.
Below her are priests, apostles, and prophets. The camp is run like a commune
and a cour. Members bow in his presence with the verbal greeting "My Lord,"
while placing the right hand over the heart. The same manner of greeting is
given to the invited guests in the camp. Hands are not shaken as is done on
the outside. While it is forbidden to smoke cigarettes in the camp, the holy
gerb is used under ritual conditions. This group follows the dietary and hygienic
practices like all the rest.
The activities of the camp are work and worship. Special days are set aside
for memorial services honoring the Emperor and Marcus Garvey. There are special
days for fasting and prayers, and the regular Sunday service is attended by
members and followers from the outside. Very strange practices may be seen in
this group such as are unknown to the RMA. For example: sacrifice is a ritual
practice, the washing of the saint's feet, and prayer by prostration. The daily
services resemble that of the Pukumina, but with Rastafarian chants, drumming,
and dancing. Services are continuous from 7:00 A.M. until late at night. During
the week members go out of the camp to sell such wares as brooms, sandals, ceramics,
and knitted crafts.
Prince Edward's group is moving toward a regular church; and as such is moving
away from the militancy found among the dreadlocks. Although known to cooperate
with the mainstream of Rastafarianism, the Prince showed some resentment when
classed with all Rastafarians. It should be remembered that he represents one
of the oldest of the groups, having been in operation since the earliest days
of the movement. As a leader, he is strict in morals, and is probably the only
leader who stands out as the sole head of a group. The reverence shown to him
approaches that of a paramount chief, or a bishop. But he is much less articulate
than the average militant Rastafarian leading spokesperson, and his age does
not allow him to take the strenuous tasks that he once undertook. All members
of the camp may take unto themselves a woman who much obey the rules set by
the Prince. The rules seem so strict, that one my several vistis only two women
were counted as dwellers of the camp. One small incident on my last visit may
throw light on the strictness of the Prince's rule over Zion.
At the end of my last visit to the Prince, one of his priests accompanied me
to my bus. On reaching the gate of the compund I saw a princess dressed in the
headdress of a Rasta woman---a beautiful green headdress witht he insignia of
the group on the front. She stood outside the gate fully dressed but made no
attempt to enter. This aroused my curiosity and further down the hill I inquired
of the priest about her identity. Turning to Ras Rupert I asked if she was a
princess of the movement. "Yes," was the reply, "she was a queen,
but because of her behaviour she was palced under prohibition from the entering
the camp for an indefinite period/" "For what?" I asked. "She
was a queen of one of the brothers, but her behavior did not come up to standard.
You see when one comes to Zion, one must first put off the outside ways, or
else it can create disruption "Futher prodding revealed that this queen
had the habit of falling in love with several apostles and prophets which created
tension in the house of Prince Edwar.
The presence of the queen outside the gates dramatically showed the strict discipline
of the camp of Prince Edward. One dare not enter that gate without "a clean
hand and a pure heart." Her gaze toward the tabernacle on the top of the
hill reminded me of the scripture which reads: "I will lift up mine eyes
unto the hills; from whence cometh my help." The queen looked lost. On
reaching the main road, I said goodbye to Ras Rupert and took one more look
at Mount Zion, and promised myself that one of these days, I would return to
spend a week with the Prince.
The Rastafarian Impact on Jamaican Culture
For over three hundred years scholars have been documenting the impact of the
Africans on New World civilization. This includes music, dance, sculpture, religion,
literature, sports, and almost any field that one might investigate. Looking
at the United States, the contribution of the Africans is so outstanding in
all fields that it is now highly praised rather than denied. The are, literature,
and creativity of the Haitian people have long been astounding to the outside
world despite the poverty of the island. Countries such as Cuba and Brazil would
be barren without the contribution of the African descendants. The Blacks have
been freedom fighters, art inspirers, and the creators of folk literature and
the very life of these New World cultures. In Jamaica, although we have had
our freedom fights and a strong African folk dynamics, very little art and sculpture
has emerged out of the grassroot population until the emergence of the Rastafarians.
It is true that Jamaican artists have been acclaimed in several countries for
their sculpture and ceramics, but most of these artists came from a very minute
segment of the elite White and East Indian communities. Very rarely did a Black
man emerge from the African roots. The first internationally known sculptor
to break into the Jamaican scene was the famous Pukumina leader known by the
name of Kapo. His works have had world wide pulbicity, all of them produced
under religious inspiration.
Only among the Rastafarians did the long suppressed African creativity find
win. Today, all over the island, Rastafarian paintings, sculpture, and ceramics
can be bought. From the common folk art sold to the tourists to expensive Rastafarian
heads which may sell for as much as five hundred dollars; from the primitive
paintings of Ras Dizzy to the superb etchings of Ras Daniel Heartman; from the
rough sculpture of Ras Canute who works under the coconut tree in front of the
Casa Montego in Montego Bay to the refined pieces in Joe James Gallery in front
of the Holiday Inn at Rose Hall, St. James---Rastafarian and Rastafarian inspired
art can be found everywhere.
We shall look briefly on the art and poetry of the Rastafarians, allowing the
cultists themselves to say what brought about this new expression. Almost all
the Rastafarian artists I interviewed convinced me that their work is not merely
"art for art's sake," but the medium through which they project their
social and spiritual message. When one looks at the works of Ras Daniel Heartman,
one cannot fail to see the spiritual message of the Rastafarian movement in
such a piece as "Chanting Brethren," in which a dreadlock sings the
Ethiopian chant, mouth opened, locks drooping one all sides, beard lying on
the chest; or his "Daniel in the Lion's Den" in which a most handsome
dreadlock is surrounded by five lions, most vividly executed; and his "Dread
Trinity" showing a head of a dreadlock with three noses, three mouths,
and three eyes---a modern Picasso.
One of the several Rastafarian artists whose works were exhibited a the Gallery
of the Institute of Jamaica gave me an extended interview from which a general
idea of the cult artists' role may be extrapolated. Ras "T" is a bright,
young painter-poet. He is educated above the average cult member, and has traveled
both in Bahama and the United States. He has read widely in art and literatur.
In answer to my question : "What kind of art do you do, and what do you
seek to express in your work?" he started:
In terms of style, one of the things that comes into that is materials. As
for me anything can express my feelings. I used old boards, glass, cardboard,
and anything that is around me. I use them to express my feelings. As a Rastafarian
in the ghetto, I cannot buy expensive stuffs, that is not possible. So, because
of economics, materials will at all times dominate or dictate the idea.
Art to me is the integrator of all mankind. As a Rastafarian, I am a humanist
and in art I try to integrate all mankind. Art has the power of liberating man
from certain drudgeries and their way of life. A man who was born in the ghetto
can't afford to be a Sunday painter, whole life is involved in getting across
his ideas; Rastafarianism, politics, Black culture and all that. Even our meeting
here now is an artistic involvement. Some people do art with love here, politics
there and so forth; now, to me art is one cosmic consciousness. The way you
love, live, and even the way you hate: even your negative expressions connote
a certain art-form. So I really do not separate my art from my other sphere
of life. Art does not belong in a museum nor is it an investment. Some people
buy Picasso because it will sell six months after for a certain price. You are
not concerned with Picasso's troubles...it is not the spiritual experience in
which they are interested. Such people have a cocktail-party-mentality or something
like that.
My main theme in art is not only the portrayal of oppression the daily experience
of the ghetto-man, but there is also joy. I do not only portray oppression,
I try to point a way out. Art is vision, every object you portray can be a symbol
of something....From the grain of sand to the great big mountain, there is menaing
to be conveyed by them. This is what art is all about. It is vision, it must
lead somewhere. It must lead to the enrichment of life.
The religious aspects of one's art is not really bounded by one particular theme.
Whatevery you do can be religious. One cannot say that this piece of my art
is RAstafarian and this is not; all expression can be religious depending on
your mood of meditation at the time of its inception. Rastafarianism is not
a physical image; it is a spiritual concept. So you do not have to draw a facsimile
of a Rasta woman or child; the content of your life expresses itself in various
ways, even in abstract forms. For example, in one of my paintings you will see
forms of people, some visible, others invisible, but they are all there. People
are part of the Rastaman's life. As a Rastaman, when I begin a painting especially
with human forms, I cannot just draw one person. In the ghetto there is always
a crowd. People keep crowding in your consciousness; you have to involve them,
because they ask to be involved. As you walk the street, you do not have to
see people, you can feel the weight of the people in the ghetto. They are there
crowding your consciousness.
The Rasta theme is now a convention. Years ago no one would stoop so low to
paint a Rastaman. Today it is the thing. For many it has become a commercial
gimmick.
Space will not allow me to contim\nue the Rastafarian philosophy of art from
the mouth of Ras "T". The small sample above is just one page from
my taped transcript, which would delight the hearts of art critics. What I am
trying to show is that , among the Rastafarians, various levels of sophistication
live completely hidden from the elite society of Jamaica. The little that has
been written about the cultists has been mostly peoples's impressions of them.
This is why I want to provide samples of their own thinking.
One of the concerns of Rastafarians today is the commercialization of the cult
creativity. As Ras "T" expressed it, "the Rasta theme is now
a convention." The wider society has now accepted the creativity of the
Rastafarian visions; their sculpture, paintings, and etchings are now seen as
highly valuable collector itmes and some of the prestigious travel magazines
in the United States encourage visitors to Jamaica to buy the carving of the
Ras Tafarisects. But as Ras "T" puts it: "Rastafarianism is not
a matter of hairstyle, it is a spiritual force, it is a rebellion, it is the
need to ask questions about a better way of life. It is this message he would
like the world to hear; and probably through these carvings and paintings they
will. Ras "T" is also disturbed about the art critics of Jamaica,
who see art as a mere academic exercise and habitually refer to Rastafarian
art as folk art. He sees this as an "infra-dig," representing the
same colonial mentality as of old, praising everything done by foreigners, while
at the same time degrading indigenous creativity. Commenting on this mentality,
Ras "T" concluded with this observation:
Artists are pioneers of the spirit. We younger Rastas must preserve the heritage of yesterday. The Rastaman who was the object of all the derogatory statements and oppression in the past, has now come into his own. We are the ones who must add richness to the Black culture....When I look upon the so-called European civilization which has been forced upon us, and when I look upon the Benin Kingdom oof Nigeria, the culture of Dahomey, and see the rich work of art: metals, gold, tapestry; all these things that Black people have contributed to civilization, it is Europeans who destroy culture. We are shown in our day the works of Beethoven, Mozart, and Van Gogh, but we are never shown the works of Black Africa, Brazil, and other places. So we the Rastas are the pioneers of the Jamaican society; and we are the ones who must open the eyes of the middle-class to our heritage.
These are the words of the Rastas. A people politically, socially, and historically
aware of their reason for being.
Ras "T" is not only an artist of the brush, but also one of the budding
poets of themovement. Before I left him, he read one of his poems as a contribution
to this book. He called this poem, "A Hymn to the Concept of Ras Tasfari."
The poem is in the style of Edward Brathwaite of the University of the West
Indies. Although the poem is long, it is not often that one is privileged to
get such a gem in field research. I shall therefore present it in its uncut
version.
Rasta is love Rasta is ends
Rasta is hop Rasta is water
Rasta is vision Rasta is geometry
Rasta is good. Rasta is round.
Rasta is beauty Rasta is here
Rasta is a river Rasta is heaven
Rasta is spirit Rasta is Universe
Rasta is. Rasta is beginning.
Rasta is I Rasta is bread
Rasta is light Rasta is magic
Rasta is joy Rasta is a child
Rasta is night. Rasta is blood.
Rastta is coming Rasta is curve
Rasta is divine Rasta is humor
Rasta is inside Rasta is water
Rasta is cuss. Rasta is Africa.
Rasta is.
Painting and sculpture are not the only talents of the awakening consciousness of the Rastafarians. Their poetry as we have seen is equally well-developed or developing. Diderot once said that poetry wishes for something enormous, barbaric, and wild. Such a thing is present in Jamaica today. The climate for poetry according to Diderot occurs in times of crisis:
It will be after times of disasters and of great misfortunes, when harried peoples begin to breathe. Then imaginations, shaken by terrible spectacles, will depict things unknown by those who did not witness them. Genius is timeless: but the men who carry it within themselves remain benumbed unless extraordinary events heat up the mass and make them appear. Then feelings pile up in the breast, torment it; and those who have a voice, anxious to speak, release it and relieve their minds.
Once of these poets whose works we have already quoted is Sam Brown. His images of the slums in "Slum Conditions" are vivid; in it one can hear the sounds and smell the odors. His many hundreds of poems are yet to be printed, but the world will soon be hearing from him. In an interview with this genius, this how he depicted poetry:
To me poetry is the inner voice of God speaking. When I write poetry it is the appeal of God through my heart. Poetry to me is attunement with the divine. Inpoetry, I intend to carry a message to the people; not only to the oppressed, but to all people. It is another way of giving verbal expression as a warning against the evils of man as God shows me. I see poetry as a language which all emancipated minds can understand; it is a universal language. I write a realistic form of poetry. I speak of the condition of the people: Inequity of justice, religious masks, and things like that. I write to reveal the oppression of man to man by man.
The poetry of the Rastafarians is the message of a people shaken by horrible spectacles of fire, hunger, nakedness, and fear. Benumbed by these extraordinary events which are to this day common experiences, they release their minds in word magic. Prophets of a new day of Jamaican creativity, no more looking outside for redemption, they now focus on the transformation of the society they know best. How successful has their impact been on theelite? Though few will admit it in public, the admiration of the Rastafarian's contribution is now seen as the cultural renaissance of an island that for centuries had looked to Europe and America for its inspiration. The Black proprietor of one of the most progressive art shops in the island, and one who specializes in Rastafarian sculptur, can be considered an example of this admiration when he states:
For me, I look at the Rastafarians from many different view. Once as an artist
myself, the features which they carry are features of dedication, one which
makes them peculiarly different from all other Jamaicans around them. This is
a religious thing; a desire to create an independency as a nation of people;
I should say rather, Black people. In the faces of most of these people there
is a feeling of endurance, the feeling of suffering, the feelings of tremendous
hope. Now all these things are melted together in a face which depicts high
spirituality. In this type of face, oe really cannot make a line which is not
saying something. Each lock of hair that falls off the head is significant because
he knows it is there. These are the things that make the man what he is. In
their creative works they have shown this mainly in iron, pottery, art, and
music.
I am not a Rastafarian myself, but I understand the feelings of the Rastafarians.
But as an artist, when I try to create those lines in the face of a Rastaman,
it is as much a mental traveling to me as it is to the Brethren.
Beginning with the year 1929, which is about the period when their religious
and social activities began, they have influenced politics and art, both here
and abroad. They have given us to realize that a nation cannot exist with only
transplanted elements but that there should be a feeling of "base-source"
of existence---some writers called it "a grassroot." Therefore, I
must say that the Rastafarians, whether others wish to believe it or not, have
created a social pattern which most of us have accepted though we may try to
show otherwise. In Jamaica today, Rastaism includes all people, not only the
Black man. There are Chinese Rastas, Indian Rastas, and white RAstas which has
nothing to do with Hippyism. You see, Rastaism is a thing of the soul.
This kind of testimony can be multiplied a hundred-fold, but this will suffice as a sample of the Rastafarian impact in the creative area of Jamaican culture. We now turn to their impact in the field of music.
Even the nineteenth-century philosopher of racism, Count Joseph De Gobineau,
in his Essays one the Inequality of the Human Races (1915), acknowledged that
"the source of the arts is foreign to the civilizing instincts. It is hidden
in the blood of the blacks." And further, "For the Negro, the dance,
along with music, is the object of the most irresistible passion." This
is, like all racist statements, an exaggeration, yet there is some truth to
his observation at least. Music is the "soul" of Blacks. Through music
they express their joys, pains, and sufferings. It is mostly through the medium
of music that they project a spell or incantation on the objects of oppression.
The powerful often kiss, even though in the worn. The pwerless sings. This is
true of the blues of the American Blacks and has become true of the Jamaica
Rastafarians. Rastafarian music emerged in the early days of the movement when
Count Ossie introduced his ritual drumming. Rastafarian music reflects the cultists'
perception of the society. The downbeat of the drummer symbolizes the death
of the oppressive society but it is answered by the akette drummers with a ligher
upbeat, a resurrection of the society through the power of Ras Tafari. This
is not the music of adoration but the music of invocation; it is a call to Africa.
This ritual music has withstood all the new creations of the non-Rastafarians,
from the Jamaica Ska to the Rocksteady and has remained basically religious.
But, beginning in the late sixties, a new beat---closely patteerning the ritualistic
music---emerged in the island; since then it has captured the very sould of
Jamaicans from slums to suburbs. This beat is known as Reggae. Professor Rex
M. Nettleford, O. M., said of this music:
The sheer hypnotic ritual of the earlier Rastafarian-inspired beat no longer satisfied the need of protest. However, in the late sixties the Reggae songs (musically akin to the traditional mento than the contemporary revivalist) went back to the Rastafarian themes while maintaining the rudie social comment on poverty and general distress.
The term "rudie" in Professor Nettleford's statement represents a
gang-related group of young people who existed at the edge of the Rastafarian
movement in the sixties. Many cam from middle-class families but were turned
off by the society. Most were what in America would be called drop outs. Many
came from middle-class families but were turned off by the society. Most were
what in America would be called drop outs. Many of them finally entered the
Rastafarian movement. It is out of this group that the new music was to emerge
with a strong Rastafarian flavor. If the story is correct, it was one of these
"rudies" whom we know as "Toots Hibbert" who wrote "Do
the Reggae" about 1968, that brought the name into existence. Today, this
famous Reggae group known as "Toots and the Maytals" has become internationally
famous. Their appearance in New York, Philadelphia, and San Francisco is described
by one writer as "a mind-busting experience." But the most popular
Rastafarian group to American audiences is the musical high priest of them all,
Bob Marley and the Wailers. Bob Marley performed with the typical hairstyle
of the dreadlock, which gave him and his movement instant publicity. Reggae
was first introduced to Americans by Johnny Nash, with the song "Stir It
Up" Written by Bob Marley, but since then, Reggae in its original form
has taken over Jamaica and has become an acceptable beat in England and America.
The author was privileged to hear a concert by Bob Marley and the Wailers in
Philadelphia in April, 1976---an unforgettable experience. The concert took
place in one of the miainline suburban theaters, in a middle-class community,
consequently not well publicized in the Black community. The audience consisted
of mostly White middle-class college youths and professors from departments
of anthropology, sociology, and music of nearby colleges and universities. The
Blacks, who composed a sixth of the crowd, appeared to be Jamaican with a sprinkling
of Afro-Americans.
On reaching the theater a large crowd was rushing to the first show. By 8:30
P.M. it was standing room only in the three-thousand-seat theater. Enthusiasm
mounted as the pre-show preparations concluded. The lights blinked and the MC
approached the audience who, by this time, was on cloud nine. Marijuana smoke
floated everywhere. In a clear voice the MC announced: "Ladies and Gentlemen,
straight from Trench Town, Jamaica, I present to you Bob Marley as he jumped,
spun, and shook his dreadlocks in front of the audience responded, "Jah!"
Then, reverently, he positioned himself in front of the drum and with bowed
head and drooping locks, invoked the god of Rastafarianism, "Jah."
This ritual invocation by Bob Marley was a solemn Nyabingi chant depicting a
traditional Rastafarian meeting. The music in this ritual performance was slow
and included such lyrics as:
I'll wipe my weary eyes,
I'll wipe my weary eyes,
Dry up you' tears to meet Ras Tafari,
Dry up you' tears and come.
The tempo built with the Jamaican favorite: "I'll Fly Away," and
concluded with the chant "One Lord, and One God, in Mount Zion." With
this invocation, dramatic displays of Flags were projected over the entertainers:
first the Ethiopian flag, and a second flag with the Lion of Judah, followed
by picture of Haile
Selassie. The chants ceased and Bob Marley moved in a ritual
dance toward his guitar; the audience seemed uncertain about the meaning of
the performance. They knew the music was not Reggae, yet, they were totally
hypnotized. A pause, and suddenly guitar in hand, Bob Marley faced the audience
and the Reggae beats floated out in driving polyrhythms, as the third flag appeared
with a new of Marcus Garvey. It was clear that the audience had come to hear
these rhythmic beats and for the next hour and a half they remained completely
under the spell of the Trench Town "sorrow songs" and the bouncing
beats. The first songs were new releases, but soon Marley was in the American
favorites such as: "Forget Your Troubles and Dance," "I Shot
the Sheriff," "No woman No Cry," "Lively Up Yourself,"
and "Belly Full, But We Hungry." After a session that seemed only
minutes long, Bob Marley bowed and disappreared, the audience standing and roaring
for more. The clapping continued for seven minutes; The Wailers reappeared with
Bob Marley to render two encores: "Rasta Vibrations" and "Stand
Up For Your Rights." The audience stood with hand raised while many did
the Reggae in the aisle. On leaving the theateer, an equally large crowd waited
patiently for the second show in lines two and one-half blocks long, five rows
deep.
To me the evening's experience was a delight and a revelation! A revelation
which many Jamaicans may never appreciate. Never since the time of Marcus Garvey
had any Jamaican personality so excited an American audience with a revolutionary
message as this Rastafarian band. The exciting fact is that out of Trench Town,
a district seldom visited by Jamaican elites, came a new voice with a unique
message in songs, inspiring the hearts of American youths, Black and White,
and a new musical sound, full of mystery and dissonance, disturbingly Jamaican.
History may yet prove my statement correct that, the spiritual ethos of Rastafarianism
which produced Reggae may be the most exciting thing to come out of Jamaica
for many years to come.
Reggae music is often characterized as a "slow-driving throbbing rhythm
that just won't quit." Others describe it as "heart-music, natural,
free, with no inhibition." Bob Marley calls it "earth-feeling music."
Although Reggae is a new beat, pleasing to the ear, hypnotic, and relaxing,
it is only one part of the Reggae phenomenon. To fully appreciate the force
of Reggae one must listen to the songs of which it is a part. Most of these
songs are caustic social comments, they speak of "the hungry man who is
an angry man" ; they speak of the crying women, of sorrows, troubles, weakness,
and sickness; they also speak of police brutality, jails, and freedom. Jamaican
heroes such as Marcus Garvey, Sam Sharpe, and the old Maroon heroes are also
honored in them, and last but not least, they sing praises to Ras Tafari and
of ganja, the "holy herb." The music of Rastafarians is not only an
artistic creation in the Jamaican society, but an expression of deep-seated
social rage. Rastafarian music should soon be the subject of those capable of
writing about it; this author is not so endowed. We shall now turn to other
subjects which will round out the picture of the Rastafarians today.
The Rastafarian and the Wider World
We have seen how the Rastafarian movement has become well known to people all
over the world. Some literature is written on them, their arts and crafts have
been taken to several parts of the world by tourists as exotica (and in recent
time even a race horse in New Jersey has become known in the daily double as
Ras Tafari). Their singings groups have now made their debut in America, England,
and other parts of the Caribbean. In the Island of Dominica, there is a group
called the "Dreads" copying the hairstyle and food habits of the Rastafarians,
many of them are reported to believe in the divinity of Haile
Selassie. But
the most paradoxical element in the story of the Rastafarians is that the movement
has extended itself from Jamaica and is now to be found in England, the United
States, and the eastern Caribbean. As early as March 24, 1996, a column in the
Daily Gleaner, bearing the name of "The Advocate," reported that a
group of Rastafarians had formed a new political party in England, with headquarters
on a West London street, as a political expression of the Rastafarian movement
in Jamaica. The name of this party was the "People's Democratic Movement."
Since 1966, very little has been heard from this group or the other Rastafarians
in England for that matter. But we have inside reports that a large segment
of the movement now resides in the British Isles.
If little can be said of the Rastafarians in England, much can be said of the
cultists in America, especially in New York City. According to police estimates,
as many as fifteen thousand Rastafarians are in New York City, primarily in
Brooklyn and the Bronx; this number is rather debatable. They also estimated
that fights between the two Rastafarian groups from thse boroughs have taken
the lives of from twelve to twenty cultists and other Jamaicans since 1974.
The Rastafarian reputation in New York is not praiseworthy. Large headlines
have appeared in the New York papers like the following: "Three Cultists
Seized on Gun Raps," "Rastafarian Link Seen in Shootout," "Two
Dead in Cult War." All these appeared in the New York Post in the years
1974-75. The major causes of the "war" have been tied to the selling
of ganja. The name of Jamaica has received such bad publicity as a result of
this gang activity that Jamacia's consul general found it necessary to give
an explanation of the movement on the Columbia Broadcasting Station, in which
he defended the good name of Jamaica and that of the "true Rastafarians."
But who are these New York Rastafarians? The police reported that many of these
dreadlocks were illegal immigrants; others are believed to be political exiles
from the island. They also reported that many of them after committing criminal
acts in New York fled to Toronto or Montreal, Canada. Through filed research
the author was informed that many of the so-called dreadlocks in New York and
other cities in America are children of Jamaica parentage some of whom are native-born
Americans; the rest migrated to the United States from the island. Many of these
youths know very little about the doctrineds of Rastafarianism but, having been
rejected in American society, without jobs and roots, have adapted the hairstyle
of the cultists and are generally under the leadership of someone who might
have been marginallly Rastafarian before coming to the States. All the trappings
of the movement are simulated by them; they conduct Nyabingi in homes, follow
the hygienic laws of the cult, and smoke the herb when it is available. It also
appeared that leading ganja exporters in Jamaica have been supplying the cultists
with the weed---through middlemen---finding it a lucrative market. It is therefore
quite possible that the control of the market may have been the cause for the
gang warfare. Although every effort was made during my New York research to
get a proper picture of the situation, few people were bold enough to talk.
New York Rastas will probably soon settle down to more creative tasks. What
we have seen up to now is a part of the growth processes.
To get a broader picture of the New York Rastafarians, I explored the matter
among the Jamaican cultists. I shall refrain from using the names of my informants
and shall use only spurious initials. One of the New York Rastafarians, Ras
"X" had this to say:
As for the youths in America whom they say are Rastafarians lots of the youth
may be genuine believers but the majority are people who claim to be Rastafarians
and are not. These are the people who give Rastafarians a bad name. There are
many who were sent to the United States in "mothball" by party officials
to hide away until the time when election should come. They will then be sent
for to do work for the politicians and then disappear again to the States. They
are instructed to use the mannerisms and haristyles of the Rastafarians that
they may blend more readily in the community on their ruturn. But if they were
true Rastafarians they could not be used that way. Lots of these youths in the
United States firing guns are political refugees, sent to the States by party
bigwigs. The man who is a true Rastafarian does not condone violence, robbery,
murder, rape, stealings, and things like that. The situation in the United States
needs clarification from people who know the movement. And I believe the sooner
this is doen the better it will be to set the mind of the world ease.
The Rastaman keen at his base knows as a fact that he came from Africa and wants
to return there eventually. So a true Rastaman would not wants to sojourn in
the United States. We see only Africa as our home.
And from Ras "Y:"
Jamaicans are always migrating. Many of the youths born in Jamaica are now in the United States. Some children born to Rastafarian parents are also in the United States. Some of these children after entering the United States decided to identify themselves with their homeland and the only thing really Jamaican they could remember was Rastafarainism. These youths may also have been strengthened by Garveyism which is still strong in New York; Rastafarians in Jamaica have never really opened any dialogue with the American and Canadian groups, but we know of their existence.
Evidence leads us to inconclusive conclusions. The American and Canadian Rastafarians are Jamaicans, who, before leaving Jamaica, might or might not have been members of the cult. But, in that the cult has no official lists of membership, some might have been true Rastafrians, who if we are to believe the pronouncements of the leading brethren do not go in for cirminality. Some might be children of Rastafarian parentage who, after reaching a foreign land, decided to identify with the religion of their parents. Others are pseudo-Rastafarians, who might be in Amerca as middlemen and political refugees. The author has met with only a few Rastafarians in the United States and those few seem to be real brethren who, like their Jamacan counterparts, are sincere adherents to the movement. In every religion there are many counterfeits; the good will have to live with the not so good. The psedo-Rastafarians have created many anxious moments for the Jamaican community in New York but this is also true in Jamaica.
Elements of the teachings of the Ethiopian Orthodox church seemed to have been
in Jamaica soon after the emergence of the Rastafarians in 1930. In 1965, the
author was introduced to a small group of brethren on the Spanish Town Road
at the point known as "Four Miles" where a small church bearing the
name "Ethiopian Coptic Church" was in operation. It now appears that
a group of the Rastafarians had desired the establishment of the church in Jamaica
quite early in their development. This desire was highlighted in one of the
ten recommendations of the University Report to the Government in the following
words: "The Ethiopian Orthodox Coptic church should be invited to establish
a branch in West Kinstong." Quite possibly because of this recommendation,
the Ethiopian Orthodox schurch appeared in Jamaica in1969. Since then, the church
has gained a foothold among the members of the Rastafarian cult, and is now
moving toward becoming an incorporated body in the church structure of Jamaica.
The new religious development is of great interest to students of Rastafarianism
for many reasons. First, the Ethiopian Orthodox church is one of the most ancient
and historic. It falls not in the rank of Protestant denominations but with
the Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and older churches including the Coptic and
Syriac churches. Second, the introduction of the Ethiopian Orthodox chrch to
the Rastafarians, and the possible conversion of this cult to one of the most
ancient branches of the Christian church, could be a development church historians
would find most important.
A short analysis of this development is necessary in a book on the Rastafarians
and will probably be only the fist such discussion of a new development that
will be written about for many years. First, a short history of the Ethiopian
Orthodox church, its changings, literature, liturgy, and hierarchy; then the
response to the church as the Rastafarians themselves have seen its appearance
in Jamaica.
The history of the Ethiopian Orthodox church is shrouded in legends based on
Ethiopian oral traditions. In most books on church history this branch of Christianity
is often referred to as the Ethiopian Coptic Church but, to the modern-day Ethiopian,
this is incorrect. The word "Coptic" is the Greek and Arabic word
for Egypt and although the Ethiopian church was governed by the Egyptian Coptic
church as late as 1950, the two churches are organically and doctrinally defferent
bodies. The name Abyssinian church would be more correct, but the name Ethiopian
Orthodox church is now the acceptable name.
Legend traces the founding of the church back to the Apostles, especially to
Matthew and Bartholomew who were supposed to have been missionaries to Axum.
Some attribute the founding of the church to the Ethiopian Eunuch of Acts of
the Apostles, Chapter 9. Others attribute it to Jews who heard the new teaching
of Peter on the Day of Pentecost, when Ethiopian Jews visting Jerusalem became
converts to Christianity and returned as missionaries to Ethiopia. But the historically
approved date of Christianity in Ethiopia is set at A.D. 330, the date when
two Syriac Christians (Aedesius and Frumentius) escaped from a shipwreck off
the coast of the Red Sea and were brought to the emperor's court. Their acceptance
at court also introduced Christianity to the ruling dynasty. The missionary
work of these two men was so successful that Frumentius was later ordained by
Athanasius, the Patriarch of Alexandria, as the first bishop of Ethiopia. He
took the name Abuna Salama (our father of peace). and from that time Christianity
was to become the dominant religion of Ethiopia.
Prior to Christianity, Ethiopia, like other parts of Africa, had its own traditional
reiligions which still remain a strong expression of many of its people. A strong
Isis cult remained common to both Egypt and Ethiopia. There seemed also th have
been a strong Jewish cultic tradition based on pre-Talmudic Judaism in which
governor-high -priests like the Melchizedek of Genesis 14 ruled over the people.
These were called Mukaribs. After these priests there appeared kings known as
Malkanas, who later took the name negashi---which meant treasurers and collector;
later this name became Negus Negast, which is translated today as King of Kings.
This title is said to have appeared in the second century A.D. All these earlier
religious expressions were poured into the Christian mold, making Ethiopian
Chrisitanity a unique mixture of old and new, continuing from the fourth century
A.D. to the present.
Ethiopian Christianity represents that branch of the church that parted company
with Western Christianity and the Eastern Orthodox church over the interpretation
of the natur of Jesus Christ. The Eastern and Western church hold that Jesus
was both human and divine. That is, he had two natures. The Coptic church and
the Ethiopian church believe Jesus had only a divine natur. The division came
about at the Fourth General Council of Christendom, held in Chalcedon in A.D.
451. The theology of this branch of the church has been called Monophysitism,
or the believers in one nature. This argument is so involved that it is best
to leave the subject at this point. All I intend to show is how ancient this
branch of the church is. After the break of the Ethiopian Orthodox church with
the Western, in the fifth century, it experienced a period of decine caused
by the rise of Islam in the seventh century A.D. The Ethiopian Orthodox church
was not to be heard from again until the thirteenth century.
In the thirteenth century the name "Prester John," legendary priest-king
of Ethiopia, reached Europe. This king (who was supposed to be White, governing
a Black nation) was considered an important contact in Africa in Christianity's
war against Islam which at that time was considered menacing to the faith. This
legend among other things sparked what is know as "the Age of Discovery."
Inspired by the tale, Portuguese exploreres and missionaries entered Ethiopia
in the early decades of fifteenth century and a new phase of Ethiopian Christianity
began. But European Chistianity was ill sutied to Ethiopia: after about a hundred
years of controversy over the person of Christ, European Christianity was thrown
out and the Ethiopian Orthodox church again asserted its domination. From 1632,
to the present, the church has had ups and downs but has remained uniquely Ethiopian.
Until the year 1950, the head of the church, the Abuna, was an appointee of
the Egyptian Coptic church but, since then, the head of the church has been
Ethiopian. In 1955, the Ethiopian Orthodox church joined the World Council of
Churches and turned its emphasis to world mission.
As mentioned, the Ethiopian Orthodox church accepts only the creeds of the
first three General Councils of Christiandom---the Nicene Creed of 325, that
of Constantinople of 381, and that of Ephesus of 431. Unlike the Western Orthodox
church, the Ethiopian Orthodox church does not believe in original sin or purgatory.
It accepts the Seven Sacraments called the "mysteries"---Baptism,
Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penance, Holy Unction, Holy Matrimony, and Ordiantion.
Of these seven, the two most elaborately performed are Baptism and the Eucharist.
The Eucharist is accompanied with singing, drums, bells, rattles, cymbals, and
dancing. The dance of the priests in the communion is said to be unique in the
Christian church.
The Bible of the Ethiopian Orthodox church has created quite a stir in recent
years. It contains eighty-one books: the thirty books of the Hebrew Bible and
the twenty-nine canonical books of the Christian New Testament; and numerous
noncanonical books which are found in their complete form only in the Ethiopian
Bible, such as the Book of Enoch and the Book of Jubilee. These are preserved
in Ge'ez, the holy language of Ethiopia, said to be Semitic tongue very closely
related to Hebrew. Among the literature of the Ethiopian Orthodox church is
the Kebre Negast (Glory of the Kings), which traced the ruling dynasty of Ethiopia
to the marriage between King Slomon and the Queen of Sheba. The tradition states
that from this marriage was born Menelik son of Solomon (Ben-Melek), who was
king of Ethiopia after 900 B.C., and that the erstwhile Haile
Selassie represented
an unbroken line of rulers from that time until now. It is this tradition that
allows the king to take on all the great titles, King of Kings, Conquering Lion
of Judah, and so on. Other important literature of Ethiopia governs almost every
custom of the country, from legal decisions to Sabbath worship, dietary laws,
and the training of monks. It is commonly believed that no other nation on earth
has so firm a foundation in Holy Scriptures as does Ethiopia.
The liturgy of the Ethiopian Orthodox church is exemplified by its beautiful
pageantry of songs, music, dancing and symbolism, enlivened with resplendent
robes, vestments, and other ritual accessories. One unique accessory is the
praying stick called Makutaria, used to support the priests in the long liturgy
and for the special ceremonial dance. As we have seen, many of the rituals resemble
those of the Hebrew religion. One of the temple's accessories is said to be
the Ark of the Covenant in which tradition holds that the original Ten Commandments
handed to Moses are kept. Ethiopian tradition says that this was taken to Ethiopia
by Menelik the son of Solomon, along with Levites who adapted some of the Hebrew
liturgy in the church. The great churches of Ethiopia even contain a section
known as the Holy of Holies in which the Ark is kept.
At the head of the Ethiopian Orthodox church is the Abuna, sometimes known as
the Patriarch. His official residence is Addis Ababa; he anoints all bishops
and members of the clergy and anoints and crowns the king. The clergy include
archbishops, bishops, priests, archdeacons, and deacons. There are also monks,
abbotts, and various other church functionaries too involved for our purpose.
Above all there is the King of Kings, who must give his approval to all high
offices.
Although this church has branches in New York and in Trinidad, its meaning to
the Black world has not been clearly assessed. Its appearance in Jamaica is
of great interest to the Black world. Few New World Blacks have had any knowledge
of the church, so it is with great interest that many scholars await the outcome
of this new mission among Blacks in the West.
The Rastafarians and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
Our intention is not to write a history of the Ethiopian Orthodox chuch in
Jamaica, but merely to give some impressions of the impact of this new church
activity among the Rastafarians. Because the mission was established only in
recent years, it has just begun to settle in on its work.
The appearance of the church in Jamaica was welcomed by the Rastafarians, by
othe African nationalist groups, and by the government authorities who invited
them. Thousands of Rastafarian flocked to the initial ceremonies of the church
and many sought membership from the start. But it was not long before most Rastafarians
recognized that the Ethiopian Orthodox church was not what they perceived it
to be. Many of the more religious groups sought affiliation and with some minor
changes in their religious views were accepted. But the majority of the locksmen
and others of the militant variety have not found the church to their liking.
First of all, the church was more Christian than they had expected it to be.
Second, the leadership were not locksmen and the central tenets of the church
have nothing to say about the divinity of Haile
Selassie. These and other matters
have greatly disturbed the true Rastafarians who, although deeply interested
in the African church established with the blessings of the King of Kings, find
it to be a very puzzling affair.
In the following quotations, samples of this deep ambivalence among the brethren
appear. The names of the speakers will withheld for prudent reasons. One of
the leading Rastafarian brethren had this to say about the church:
The Church has been here for a short period of time and I am in favour of it but I am not yet a member. I am not opposed to the Church but I do not approach things of this sort until I am sure it is the thing for me. I help and encourage other Black people to join an African Church, bu the administration of the Church does not suit the ideals of I. Nevertheless I told the brethren that the Church is important and that we must go into it in order ot get hold of the administration of it. There is a whole lot of Rasta brethren now in the Church and it was because of the great amount of the brethren who desired membership why the Church came here. Some of them have been baptized, but as you know the E.O.C. baptize in water, and the Baptism that I and I desire is that of blood not water.
From another leading brother:
From the beginning the tenets of the Rastafarians were based on religion. Religion
was a dominant part of it. In these days the movement has taken on a threefold
aspect. That is economico-politco- and religious. But as to the inception of
the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in this country, that is another thing. I do not
think it will greatly enhance the movement.
The coming of the E.O.C. to Jamaica in my view does not really aid the achievements
of our goal in an easier manner. We do not see our fight as one that is enhanced
by religious means. The Church in itself as far as I see, will be of help to
those yet benighted of an African opinion, but it is of negligible worth to
the struggle we have now---that is, the rights of man in Jamaica. In some respect
I see the Church as something to soothe the minds of men; something that blunts
the militant will of the people. So, I am not a church person.
And yet another:
The Rastafarian movement in Jamaica is a very heterogenous group and as such it is hard to centralize the organization; that is why the E.O.C. came to Jamaica. But I am not going to conform with this kind of religion. Peoples' minds must be free. The E.O.C. is stagnated and I do not believe that a real Rasta will cope with the church. The movement has a better chance of conforming with something identifiably its own. Many have joined it because it is an African Church, but I do not believe that in the long run it will be successful.
These were taken from my research in the city of Kingston. To get a broader picture I traveled to Montego Bay to see what that group of brethren thought about the church. My first interview was with one Ras "B," who operated a multicolored stall where Rastafarian wared are sold at a brisk bargain. After some talk, we turned to the church. He sees it dividing the brethren. He observed that many "dreadlocks and Combsomes" have joined the church, more of the latter than the former. He believed that many brethren joined the church because of a lack of knowledge. He continued:
Anyone coming from Ethiopia to form a Church in Jamaica is a convincing person among the brethren. So when the Ethiopian Orthodox Church entered Jamaica in 1968, it immediately drew members of the Rastafarian movement and other Black Nationalist organizations. The visit of the Abuna of Ethiopia made a great impression on the Rastas, and since then the Church has had a mild success. There are now about 6000 members all over the island. A temple is to be built in Kingston, the land is acquired and a building fund is underway.
Having interviewed members of the Rastafarian movement who are non-members of the Ethiopian Orthodox church, I next sought out some of the members who had for some the members who had for some time been members of the Ethiopian Orthodox church to get their reaction. One specifically recommended was reluctant to speak and would do so only off the record, but I later wrote down notes on the interview. The other, a woman, gave her impressions quite freely and at some length. The man, Ras, has mixed feelings about the new church. He explained:
I joined the Ethiopian Orthodox because its "fi wi church." (In English, this would be translated, "I joined the Church because it is a black Church.") We had a bishop but we drove him out, this man cut his hair and his wife straightened hers. This was too much and we "blow him about." This was too much for us Rastas. We Rastas now control the Church, and as soon as we get a man in the administration we will make it our Church. Up to now things are not to our liking but "we a gwan bad." When the priest talk nonsense contrary to our doctrine we raise rass in the Church and stop him. The man is not a Rasta, so we can't have him as our preacher. One day the Brethren asked if he believed in Jah Rastafari, and he could not give a definite answer. We can't have that.
The above conversation recorded in dialect is rich in Jamaicanisms, and I decided
to retain it in the original especially for Jamaican readers.
My last informant is a well known Rastafarian woman known for her Rastafarian
handicrafts. In her opinion the church is a good thing for the Rasta movement.
This female opinion is important because, for years, the women of the movement
have remained in the background of this male organization. She enjoyed the Sunday
services of the church, its Amharic language classes on the weekdays, and the
social get-together of the women. Most members were Rastafarians trying to understand
the church. Some were dreadlocks finding it hard to do away with their hair.
Some have complied with the church; others have not. Although a member of the
E.O.C., she still attends Nyabingi services and smokes a little of the herb
now and then, but not as before. She, like other Rasta women, believeds in the
superiority of man and abhors birth control. It is her opinion that the church
in time will win most of the moderate Rastafarians but that many of the dreadlocks
will avoid the strict rule of the E.O.C.
Reactions to the church are mixed. Hundreds of the Rastas have joined the E.O.C.
because it is uniquely Ethiopian. Many expected to join the church have avoided
it because of its Christian features. Those who have become members are looking
to the day when the church will be in the hands of Rastafarian leadership, an
event which is quite possible when one remembers the fissionary tendency of
Jamaican church life. On the other hand, many leading Rastafarians may become
members of the church in order to learn some of its ritual with the intention
of adpting them in their segment of the movement. This is already beginning.
The praying stick has already been adapted by most Rastafarians and is now used
in their Nyabingi services. The Ethiopian Naitonal Congress has adapted the
ritual robes of the E.O.C., and many rituals such as bowing low to the ground
to the prince have been introduced in their services. What seems certain is
that a strong syncretism of Rastafarianism and Ethiopianism is about to take
place.
HISTORY OF RASTAFARIANS
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